History of Corsica, from the 18th century to the present day

This is a condensed version of my various conferences in a single article.

The history of Corsica is a tumultuous one, with alliances, betrayals, revolts and wars. We have chosen to tell its story from the perspective of Hyacinthe Paoli, father of Pasqual Paoli, Father of the Fatherland. We will look at different periods to highlight Corsican demands for autonomy and recognition as a nation. Indeed, one of the main aims of this essay is to provide readers with a better understanding of Corsica and its people, based on historical facts that are all too often forgotten. So we begin with the War of Independence.

War of independence

Hyacinthe, a Corsican politician born in Morosaglia in 1690, became the nation's general in the insurrection against Genoa in 1730. With General Gaffory, he drew up institutional rules and an administration. These were incorporated into the Alesani constitution of 1736, by which Théodore de Neuhoff was elected King of Corsica.

Theodore de Neuhoff was born in Cologne into a Westphalian noble family. He dedicated himself to the liberation of Corsica and the well-being of the Corsican people. Worried about the risk of an independent Corsica, France ensured that Corsica remained Genoese. In 1736, Theodore was forced to leave to find support, particularly from the Dutch and the English.

Pascal Paoli led the war in 1753 and proclaimed the Corsican Republic in 1755. Genoa, which had been at war since 1729, was exhausted and asked France for help. Despite Paoli's victory at Borgu, the defeat at Ponte Novu meant the end of Corsican independence for France.

Paoli made Corsica the first modern republic. He was famous throughout Europe, befriending Edmund Burke, Hume and Frederick II. Frederick II, ‘der alte Fritz’, described him as the greatest hero of his time. The Corsican republic inspired the American constitution. In a way, he is the founding grandfather of the United States. In fact, Paoli's war memorial is the oldest in the United States. More than 1,200 articles about Paoli were written in American newspapers between 1763 and 1770. Benjamin Franklin described Corsica and the United States as brother nations and insisted on freedom from France and England. Thomas Paine dedicated a poem to him recounting the conquest of freedom in Corsica and the United States.

Paoli worked for Corsican independence. In 1789, Paoli agreed to join the French Republic. Nevertheless, when the French terror arrived, Paoli and Corsica were placed under the English crown, thus founding the Anglo-Corsican kingdom. Indeed, Paoli, inspired by the Italian Enlightenment, was obviously not opposed to religion; he was a man of faith. Faced with the Republican massacres, and seeing no point in Corsica being French, he sought support from the English. In this way, Napoleon sent troops to regain possession of the island. The crucetti revolts, led by the priest Leca, ‘Circineddu’, opposed this domination.

The defeat at Ponte Novu, as well as the failure of the crucetti, led to French domination of Corsica and put an end to its independence. Corsica was placed under military rule for almost a century. The Third Republic was to violently attack the Corsican nation by attacking its language and traditions, as it had done with Brittany, Alsace, Flanders and the Basque Country. This anti-national predation was typical of the enemy represented by centralisation and Jacobinism.

The genesis of Corsican nationalism

The genesis of modern nationalism prefigures identity-based nationalism. Indeed, the defence of Christianity, the defence of ethnicity and the defence of traditional and moral values were the foundations of nationalism in the first half of the 20th century. Moreover, there was no institutional struggle; it was fundamentally political and fiercely cultural. What's more, there was a real positive construction, a very strong cultural vitality, particularly through popular theatre and literary production. Many of these figures helped to advance the Corsican language, as well as being men of integrity and faithful to their commitment.

A Tramuntanedda

First of all, Santu Casanova. He was a poet born in Azzana in 1850 and died in Italy in 1936. He was a polemicist who fought back through literature, culture and language, helping to uplift the people. In 1899, he founded A Tramuntanella, where he fought against the dispossession of the language and francisation. France wanted to force Corsica into its Republic through ferocious indoctrination, by means of its national novel. In 1903, when the police expelled the Franciscans from the convent, Santu wrote: ‘Corsica, your faith and your interests are being trampled underfoot. Like our ancestors, defend our crosses’.

In Muvra

Petru Rocca

Petru Rocca was born in Vico in 1887 and died in 1966. He was one of the Corsican heroes of the First World War, awarded the Légion d'honneur for his bravery. He published in the newspaper Muvra, in which he denounced the French political system and promoted the Corsican language, Christianity, moral values and culture. Through him, Corsican nationalism took shape and became more political. Petru Rocca refers to the Catalan and Irish examples. He was responsible for the Corsican section of the magazine ‘Peuples et frontières’, where he met Olier Mordrel (Breton), Abbé Gantois (Flemish) and Herman Bickler (Alsatian). Together they fought for recognition of their nation in the face of an ethnophobic republic.

In 1925, in front of an imposing crowd, he inaugurated a monument commemorating the battle of Ponte Novu (1769), with a poignant speech: ‘One hundred and fifty-six years ago, Corsica lost, in a single day, an independence won at the cost of great sacrifice. And for a century, the waters of the Golu have washed away the sacred arches, unable to erase the red stain of that unfortunate 9 May 1769. But today, above the bitterness of memory, the sign of Christ extends its arms of glory and mercy’.

‘Centu cinquanta sei ansi or sonu chì a Corsica hà persu, in un solu ghjornu, un' indipendenza cunquistata cù tamanti sacrifizii. È l'acque di Golu, durente un seculu è mezu anu francu l'arche sacre, senza pudè lavà a macula rossa di quellu sciaguratu nove di maghju 1769, è senza chì l'ombre affannate di quelli chì casconu sott'à u piombu sintessinu sussurà u dolce vampu di a ricunnuscenza. Ma oghje, sopr'à l'amarezza di u ricordu, u segnu di Cristu stende e e so bracce di gloria è di misericordia.’

Father Carlotti

Father Dominique Carlotti is one of the editors-in-chief of ‘La Patrie Corse’. This is a regional Catholic social action newspaper. In it, he already defends the rebirth of the University of Corte: ‘Obviously, many young Corsicans go to study in France: I don't deny that they learn about scientific progress there; some of them even become very eminent professors. But over there, they learn everything except Corsica. How many of them have put their talent at the service of the Corsican homeland? On this day, the birthday of Saint Gregory, Patron of the University of Paoli, I sincerely hope that the university that Corsica needs will see the light of day.

Father Carlotti promoted the teaching of the Corsican language, particularly in seminaries. He follows the example of the Bishop of Bayonne, who introduced the study of the Basque language.

The figure of Abbé François Petrigagni

Abbé François Petrignani was the parish priest of Saint Florent. He gave impassioned speeches and wrote in Corsican that exalted Tradition and the figure of u Babbu di a Nazione. His homilies were imbued with a deep love of Christ and Corsica. The homily he gave on 14 July 1926 is striking: ‘If we want to raise Corsica up, let us remember that it has collapsed morally even more than materially. A century and a half of perverse doctrines from beyond the sea have destroyed our customs and morals. The Corsican is no longer Corsican, because he is no longer Christian in the full sense of the word, in a century of religious persecution, while so-called philosophers professed to belittle Christian beliefs [Paoli] had the courage to live as a Christian and to show himself to be one, always and everywhere’. (14 July is also the bank holidays in Corsica for Paoli's election to the generalate).

The figure of Father Tommaso Alfonsi.

Tommaso Alfonsi was a Dominican priest and professor of theology in Bologna. He was born in Moncale in 1863 and died in 1947 in Bologna. Most of the priests, including Father Alfonsi, were trained in Italy. In this fervent Italy of Leon XIII and then Saint Pius X, where they were only observers of the dramatic events that France inflicted on Corsica: the laws separating Church and State.

In 1880, the Jesuits were expelled by the State, the action being taken by the prefect himself. Then, in 1903, Franciscan and Dominican monks were expelled from their convents. Then, once again, in 1906, Monsignor Desanti, Bishop of Corsica, had to leave his episcopal palace in Ajaccio.

Tension was also mounting in our villages. There were numerous incidents between pro-French mayors and clerics. In Olmiccia, for example, Mayor Ortoli clashed with Father Guidicelli, as during the Good Friday procession when the songs of ‘Perdono mio Dio’ were destroyed by the roar of the Marseillaise. In 1926, the mayor of Lento, a police officer and Communist militant, had attacked the local priest. Immediately, A Muvra, under the significant title ‘Articulu d'importazione’, pointed out that ‘the explanation is easy to find: half a century of atheistic teaching imposed on Corsica has ended up extinguishing Christian feelings in many hearts. Anticlericalism is an imported article, Mr Gendarmerie Lieutenant, ever since our island became French by force, it has seen no progress, either material or moral; on the contrary, we are returning to paganism and barbarism’.

The ecclesiastics of ‘A Muvra’, convinced that their fight to maintain the true religion of our fathers cannot be separated from the cultural substratum in which the faith flourished, will make the defence of the Corsican language a decisive element of their commitment. This pastoral combat is there to prevent the Corsicans, drowned in a French ensemble hostile to the Catholic religion, from losing the faith of their ancestors. Thus Canon Sébastien Casanova wrote in the blessed year 1933 in his ‘Histoire de l'Eglise Corse’: ‘The greatest scourge of the Church at the moment is secularism; it has de-Christianised Corsica in fifty years. It has dried up priestly recruitment. It has sown indifference, incredulity and materialism everywhere. It has driven God out of schools, out of courtrooms, out of hospitals, out of the family and out of the conscience. Catechism is no longer taught in schools, and few children attend the catechism in church. The result is profound religious ignorance and great selfishness. We are making great strides towards paganism. The old honesty of the Corsicans, which was legendary, is tending to disappear. Morals are dissolute. Everywhere there is corruption, swindling and theft. Murders are multiplying every day.

As the Second World War approached, the French government took advantage of fears of irredentist tendencies to close the ‘A Muvra’ printing works in 1939 and sentence Petru Rocca to 15 years in prison, after which he was excluded from the Legion of Honour, in addition to being convicted of ‘undermining State security’ in 1946.

Enemies of Corsica, such as Fascist Italy, claimed that Corsicans wanted to join Italy. From the outset, the newspaper posed a danger to the Jacobin powers. Indeed, the defence of the Corsican language, the acerbic rejection of anti-clericalism, the protection of the Church, the criticism of French politics, the publication in ‘Peuples et Frontières’. Indeed, the Republican school taught that ‘the Corsicans had been waiting for the French for thirty years; they let them settle quietly in their own country’, so there could only be a fierce rejection of the official history of the Third Republic, leading to a strong struggle to remember.

Modern Corsican nationalism

Nationalism was slow to return to the political scene. Indeed, following the convictions after 1945, the movement broke up. It was not until the early 1960s that nationalism began to make a comeback, with the fight for recognition of the Corsican people and autonomy.

The 1960s: identity back on the agenda

The awakening of an identity

In the 1960s, Corsica experienced a revival of its identity after a period of stagnation in the nationalist movement between 1945 and 1960. The Algerian war revived questions of identity, marking the start of a quest for unity and meaning among the Corsican people.

Algeria's independence led to a mass exodus to Corsica, which posed a number of problems, particularly for the exclusive benefit of the pieds-noirs. Attacks, particularly in the Fium'Orbu region, targeted the Blackfoot, their buildings, their networks and their farming equipment.

The 1962 manifesto: internal autonomy

A manifesto on internal autonomy, signed by Paul-Marc Seta and Yves Le Bomin, marked a turning point. It reintroduced the demand for autonomy into the political arena, advocating administrative and economic federalism. The manifesto denounced the French state's contempt for Corsica, highlighting Parisian centralism, the colonisation of land by Somivac and the weakening of Corsican ethnicity through emigration. In 1966, the nationalist weekly Arritti, founded by Max Simeoni and Yves Le Bomin, raised the profile of the Corsican identity movement.

The 70s: the political saga of nationalism

The events in Aleria

This was one of the events that triggered the strengthening of nationalism. The Italian company Montedison was dumping polluting waste in Corsican waters. Faced with the State's inaction, the Corsicans took matters into their own hands and stormed the Italian ship.

The young people around leader Edmond Simeoni called for a tougher fight, while problems linked to the pieds-noirs remained. That's why they occupied the Aleria cellar. It was a refusal to accept fraud and a defence of Corsican farmers.

In response to this occupation, the French government sent in the army, accompanied by attack helicopters, armoured vehicles and 1,200 soldiers. The assault resulted in the death of two French soldiers and only one serious injury. During the night, violent clashes broke out between the population and the forces of law and order. The demonstrations, led by the Dio, resulted in 1 death and 14 serious injuries. In this climate, the Minister of the Interior dissolved the ARC and other groups.

A common national structure, the FLNC

These dissolutions led to a desire to unite behind a common national structure. This is how the FLNC was founded in 1976. The FLNC established itself as a major common organisation, bringing together young people to defend culture and defend the people. In 1977, the FLNC carried out a historic attack on the Pignu, the symbol of French television, an act inspired by the attack carried out by the Front de Libération de la Bretagne a few years earlier. This action attracted a great deal of popular support for the FLNC, not least thanks to the press conference given by Edmond, who was released from prison after Aleria and was an upright and moderate doctor. Another major attack took place in 1978, targeting the NATO military base. This was the only attack on a NATO base in Europe.

Marxist influence on nationalism

One of the first ideological foundations of the FLNC was the Marxist-inspired Green Book, written by students who were later expelled. These ideas struck a chord with a fringe of Corsican youth, who were the bearers of a complete ideological set of thoughts and dynamics of action. They embraced the festering Marxist wound in its entirety, embracing the fight against inequality, the class struggle, and stoking the flame of an internationalist chimera. This shows a great disconnect with the realities of defending one's own land and culture.

The 80s: hope and tragedy

If the 70s marked a turning point in the organisation of a political force, the 80s were marked by strong popular support for the FLNC. Faced with the actions of the French state and a growing awareness of their identity, people became more aware and often more militant.

Bastelica-Fesch: the secret police and the Corsican revolt

The Bastelica-Fesch incident marked the beginning of the 80s and generated strong popular support for nationalism. A Francia was a pro-French small group led by Commandant Bertolini that carried out attacks against nationalists. The group planned to kidnap one of the FLNC leaders, Lorenzoni.

Informed activists set off for Bastelica to try and prevent it. After the capture of the A Francia commando, state forces, including soldiers and helicopter gunships, surrounded the village and neutralised all radio communications to prevent journalists from receiving information. Journalists were forced by the police to remain confined to the Hôtel Fesch, and the town of Ajaccio, which has a population of 50,000, was besieged and completely sealed off by the army. Nevertheless, the population took to the streets in protest. The bishop and the mayor tried to mediate by allowing journalists to meet the activists. Unfortunately, repression followed and tragedy struck. 1 young woman and 1 young man were killed. Mgr Thomas asked the Minister of the Interior for the police to be more discreet in Corsica. During the trial, the activists appeared before a ‘military’ tribunal.

The Guidu Orsoni tragedy, a major shock for the nationalist movement.

On 17 June 1983, Guidu Orsoni was killed and tortured by the Valincu gang. The French government had organised surveillance and bugging of the Valincu gang, a mafia gang. Curiously, the surveillance and bugging stopped the day before Guidu disappeared. The murder was apparently part of an agreement between the thugs and the State to facilitate the transport of drugs to the United States. On 7 June 1984, an FLNC commando killed the murderers in Ajaccio prison. The message was sent: nobody attacks the FLNC.

The liberation movement acquired a political arm.

On 1 May 1984, the FLNC underwent a new revival, oriented towards a more assertive political discourse, the promotion of mass struggles, the strengthening of counter-powers and the search for people's self-organisation through the creation of trade unions. This political aspect took on a predominant role and reflected an attempt to change course, placing the emphasis on the integral development of the island rather than on purely military actions. Given the island's electoral capacity, the question of reducing violence to enable development arose. This question was defended by Alain Orsoni, who was then the victim of an attack organised to tarnish his public image and attempt to exclude him. The vote to exclude him failed, but the division was confirmed. To combat this political structuring of the FLNC, the French state had to impose a security-based vision of the conflict, so that the FLNC was obliged to respond by force.

The tragic 90s

Political victory and fratricidal war

The division was consummated in Tavera in September 1990. The FLNC expelled the 300 or so militants who continued to attack Alain Orsoni personally. This is how the historic channel and the usual channel came into being.

In 1992, 1 in 4 voters voted nationalist. This was a significant score in a system dominated by a two-party left/right system. In May 1993, Pasqua was appointed Minister of the Interior and discussions began. At the same time, Robert Sozzi, a Cuncolta activist, was murdered by the Cuncolta in ‘preventive self-defence’. He had left the Cuncolta because of Canal Storicu's involvement in the financial shenanigans that led to the Furiani disaster. This official request follows Edmond Simeoni's resignation from the Cuncolta and from his seat in the Corsican Assembly. Following this assassination, Franck Muzy, a close friend of Robert Sozzi and an A Cuncolta activist, was killed. He was the 39th activist to be murdered that year. A political period marked by assassinations, encouraged by the usu corsu of certain militants.

The assassination of Erignac: state vengeance and nationalist solidarity.

The assassination of Prefect Erignac in 1998 put an end to this fratricidal war. The investigation into his murder is undoubtedly one of France's greatest political and judicial fiascos. The tumult of anarchic arrests, the competition between the different factions of the State, the existence of parallel investigations, the fraudulent judicial and legal actions, the disregard for the presumption of innocence by a minister in office, the denial of the scientific reality provided by the experts during the trial, all this is part of a State vengeance that only reflects its weakness.

This prefect was not the enemy of the nationalists that he is presented as being. He was a fairly calm prefect, and his mere presence certainly posed a political problem, but never a blood crime. This prefect was also investigating casinos, gambling and the mafia, but also and above all the practices of his own civil servants in his prefecture. This event stunned nationalist circles and the shock created cohesion within them. This cohesion took the form of the Fium'Orbu agreements in September 1999, which brought together all but a few nationalists.

These events took place a quarter of a century ago, but they are close to us all, and the nation's youth is steeped in this common heritage. As we saw during the popular demonstrations that followed the assassination of Yvan Colonna, murdered by a Muslim in a French prison. Nationalist youth, as well as older militants, find themselves orphaned by nationalist parties presenting a civic nationalism that is just another sign of Frenchisation. Political cynicism has been accepted by people for a long time, why haven't we moved on? A discussion on autonomy has been opened. Since 2015, and again in 2021, the nationalists have won elections. Where have the results been for almost 10 years? There is a gulf between the grassroots and our elites, particularly on immigration. There's a political cynicism where, off camera or in Corsican, the language is much more right-wing. This cynicism, or blindness, towards immigration has led to the success of Palatinate nationalism.